Brazil’s Interim President Temer Is a Headache for Leftists

By: María Teresa Romero - @mt_romero - May 14, 2016, 5:01 pm
Michel Temer seems determined to change course in Brazil after 13 years of Workers' Party rule.
Michel Temer seems determined to change course in Brazil after 13 years of Workers’ Party rule. (Tango)

Suspended President Dilma Rousseff‘s impeachment trial, which cannot last longer than 180 days, and her temporary replacement by her former vice-president Michel Temer, who leads the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB), transcend Brazilian politics.

In particular, the current situation in Brazil weakens leftist regimes, parties, movements, and multilateral organizations in many other Latin American countries still dominated by “21st Century Socialism.” This is the case for obvious reasons.

Brazil’s Workers’ Party governments under former president Lula Da Silva and Rousseff (2003-2016) sought a prominent place in international affairs. They also played a fundamental role in maintaining Latin America’s balance of power and in strengthening the hemisphere’s radical left.

Brazil, in fact, was very influential in the Mercosur regional trading block and in the creation of the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). These were used as umbrella organizations that fostered the spread of leftist regimes while weakening the Organization of American States (OAS).

Brazil also played a shameful role in condemning the supposed coup d’état in Honduras in 2009 and in financially supporting the “revolutionary” regimes in Cuba and Venezuela, with whom the Brazilian socialist leadership fostered bilateral and multilateral partnerships.

Brazil’s former support for Chavista regimes explains the eloquent defense of the Lula-Rousseff tandem which Latin American governments have pronounced in recent days. One of Rousseff’s most stalwart defenders has been UNASUR president Ernesto Samper, a former president of Colombia who himself faced impeachment proceedings in the Colombian congress, which was controlled by his own party, for his campaign’s acceptance of money from drug cartels.

Samper declared that the proceedings against Rousseff are “worrying” since “the instability in Brazil could spread to other countries in the region.” He added that “if the charges (against Rousseff) are considered valid, then any president might be impeached for a simple administrative act considered to be mistaken.”

Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and Cuban strongman Raúl Castro soon followed Samper, declaring that the impeachment proceedings in Brazil were part of an “imperialist reactionary counteroffensive” and a “fundamental step towards a coup d’état.”

Rousseff’s own defense, in fact, is that the impeachment trial against her is no more than a disguised coup attempt. This, however, is mere grandstanding by a weak leftist leader who is aware of her own vulnerability.

After the defeat of Cristina Kirchner in Argentina, Evo Morales’s failed referendum in Bolivia, Rafael Correa’s refusal to run again for the presidency in Ecuador, and the international outcry caused by Venezuela’s worsening economic and humanitarian crisis, it is evident that the Latin American left is mortally wounded.

We are witnessing the death throes of a continental movement that has fought for decades, both before and after the Foro de Sao Paulo, an event organized in 1990 by the Brazilian Workers’ Party and Cuba’s Communist Party in order to redefine the continental left’s aims and activities.

All eyes are upon Temer, Brazil’s new head of state, and his cabinet. They will inevitably have to take measures to correct the country’s wayward economic path. They will also have to wage a tough battle against Lula, Rousseff, and the entire Workers’ Party.

Until now, Temer’s appointment of José Serra, a center-right senator, as the new head of Brazilian diplomacy sends a strong signal to the world. Serra has been a fierce critic of Lula’s foreign policy, continued by Rousseff.

Michel Temer seems to be taking advantage of his interim presidency to weaken the neo-communist left which has governed much of Latin America in the 21st century.

María Teresa Romero María Teresa Romero

Romero is a journalist with a PhD in political science, specializing in international politics. She's a professor at the Central University of Venezuela, a columnist in several Venezuelan and international newspapers, and the author of several books. Follow her at @MT_romero.

“Venezuela Is on the Brink of Social Collapse,” Army Officer

By: PanAm Post Staff - May 14, 2016, 11:33 am

EspañolIn recent months, Venezuelan citizens have taken to the streets to demand solutions to the current economic crisis from the government. Many have even requested President Nicolás Maduro's resignation. The Venezuelan state has responded to these protests with repression. Certain office holders have been accused of committing human rights violations. As a result, political leaders from the opposition have asked the Venezuelan security forces — especially the army and the Bolivarian National Guard — to denounce any crimes that the state has committed. Read more: Venezuela's Socialism Has Triggered Looting Instead of Shopping Read more: Gasoline Shortage Looms in Oil-Rich Venezuela At the moment, the armed forces' position vis-à-vis the government is not clear. Some speculate that the Bolivarian National Guard is divided. Others claim that the regime exerts full control over the its members. The only certainty is that uncertainty abounds. The PanAm Post had the opportunity to interview a Bolivarian National Guard member of middle rank, who asked to remain anonymous since his views could expose him to danger. Why has the state launched an offensive against criminal groups? The situation was getting out of hand for political reasons. The state has no means to control criminal groups. The country's jails are in chaos. The streets themselves are in chaos. The state's security personnel are unarmed. The Maduro regime created the Organization for the Protection and Liberation for the People (OLP) to fight organized crime. Has that organization committed illegal acts as well?  From a legal standpoint, yes. Now from the point of view of the general population, no, because they tolerate harsh methods against the criminal bands. But do they only kill criminals?  In the majority of cases. Is the OLP really carrying out its operations strictly to end gang violence? That is their main purpose. But there is also a political element. The OLP's creation was a desperate measure. The government had given liberty to the gangs to do what they please. They armed them and now they are attacking them. Is the OLP at war with gangs and with government officials at the same time?  Yes, because they can't control them. They have become too powerful. They are armed and they teach military strategy. These criminals used to fight against each other. Now they have a truce between them and they fight the military and other security forces. They say, "as long as we kill them, we'll survive." Does the state benefit by arming gangs? What is the regime trying to achieve?  Their goal is to have armed groups on their side in case of political turmoil. That is the final goal. Disarmament laws only affect innocent people. Criminal have many more weapons than we do at the National Guard. They also have much more power. We can't control that now. Any solution will come too late. The economic crisis and the public health crisis are becoming uncontrollable. The security forces are competent, but the government had to realize that the criminals were killing us all before they acted against them. How corrupt is is the National Guard? There is corruption in the National Guard, and there always has been. The difference is that, before, the system was more efficient. The National Guard decayed when it became political. Since we started to vote and to take part in the country's political life, there has been no peace in the ranks. Now there is pressure on us because we have to follow the constitution, but we also have to be loyal to our higher officers even when their orders don't correspond to the laws. If their orders contradict the laws, you can't follow them. So there is a rift between the security forces and the other institutions. The government has an apparatus for persecution and espionage, so you can't make negative statements about officials. Security forces themselves are plagued by informants. You have to watch your every word. All of those military upheavals denouncing the government, those attempts to overthrow the government — are they real? No, the majority are false. There won't be any coup attempts in Venezuela. Why not? Right now, all elements of the armed forces are under control. A coup-d'état takes place when you reach a breaking point and someone in the higher echelons of the armed forces decides that it's time to act against the government. Right now in Venezuela, there are political divisions within the armed forces. There is neither the necessary unity nor the necessary organization for a coup to take place. Besides, officers fear the government's informants. Everyone is on guard. Read more: Venezuela: Countless Wounded after 5,000 Loot Supermarket Read more: Hungry Venezuelans Hunt Cats, Dogs and Pigeons as Food Runs Out What will result from the current discontent? The army and the National Guard are waiting. I can assure you that we are quite unhappy. But there is an entire structure above us, so it's not easy to act. We receive criticism from all sides. Wherever I go, I come face to face with civilians' displeasure and complaints. I also think the opposition has failed to take advantage of its opportunities to topple the government. How so? For example, when they won the parliamentary elections last December, the atmosphere was tense. The entire leadership knew what would happen. So did we. Former Speaker of the House Diosdado Cabello was willing to take the armed forces to the street against the opposition, but Padrino López, the Minister of Defense, didn't allow him to do so. What happened exactly on December 6?  The stories are true. That day there was a strong discussion between Padrino López and Cabello. López told Cabello that, if he ordered the troops to take the streets, he was going to have the army kill him. But did Padrino López only do it to save his own skin? Of course. He would have been responsible if the army started to massacre people. López was not going to allow that to happen. So that day the army was ordered to guard the opposition. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1459522593195-0'); }); On whose side does Padrino López find himself? That day, a rumor got out that he was defending the opposition. Padrino López is intelligent, and I don't doubt that he's a Chavista. But all branches of the armed forces are dissatisfied with the current situation. Imagine if one day they let Diosdado Cabello commit a massacre. If something like that occurs, the army will support President Maduro. And what has the Bolivarian National Guard done during the recent demonstrations? Why has the army remained silent? Those are two different situations. Like I said, government intelligence is an obstacle to action. The risk of not obeying orders is very large, but there is a lot of discontent and resentment due to the measures carried out by the Bolivarian National Guard and other officials. If discontent is so widespread, why is there no talk of a coup? That's already been discussed. The coup d'état, we hope, will not be repeated. We remember what happened in 2002 with Chávez and we don't want something similar to happen in the future. We are rather waiting for things to get truly out of hand. And that will happen in the following months. The situation is extremely unstable and the status quo can't last. We are witnessing daily looting at supermarkets, and people are protesting. The crisis at Guri Dam (Venezuela's most important hydroelectric power station) will get worse. Everything will get worse and there will be an implosion. At that moment, the country's future will be determined. I don't believe there's much time left. Are you sure that something drastic will happen soon? Without a doubt. The Bolivarian National Guard has already discussed the matter. The situation in Venezuela has never been as bad as it is now. The breaking point is near, but still not at hand. My recommendation is for people to prepare, to look for food and then to store it. Obviously, when the implosion occurs, it won't last long. I believe it will last something like 10 days, but they will be difficult days. There will be a state of emergency, and that will bring the crisis to an end. What will happen with the recall referendum that the opposition is trying to unleash against President Maduro? That's not a serious option. The regime has demonstrated that it can violate the constitution without second thoughts. They are going to accept the referendum, but only if they know they can win with any method available. The situation will only come to a head when hunger and the lack of electricity force people to take direct action. So are the Venezuelan Armed Forces waiting for a social catastrophe to take place? We are really willing to intervene if the country undergoes a social catastrophe. It's as if we have water in a pot and it begins to boil very slowly. There will be a moment when, if the gas is not turned off, the water begins to overflow and disaster ensues.

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