Only Military Intervention Will End Maduro’s Dictatorship

We need to show the world that Maduro is a security threat and that the only way out is military intervention. Further, we need to make economic concessions to allies.

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Maduro and Chavismo have proved on infinite occasions that they will not leave power through a peacefully negotiated route (EFE).

Spanish – “And what do you propose?” This massive question has been asked to anyone who is rationally dissatisfied, frustrated, and annoyed by the fact that after 20 years, we are still dragged along by the whims of a group of socialist tyrants who have destroyed our country.

Many can take offense to “and what do you propose?” It is not the responsibility of ordinary citizens to respond or navigate a way out of the regime. That doesn’t take away their right to protest an “opposition” that has individuals who have been accused of doing dirty business with the tyrannical regime, and who have also gone out to ask for dialogue every time Maduro and Cabello are on the verge of abandoning the ship.

However, a group of citizens has indeed proposed ways out of this misfortune. Thousands of Venezuelans have proposed a way to oust the criminals that occupy Miraflores, but the opposition leadership has not listened or has not wanted to listen, which is suspicious. The dictatorship has shown time and again, for more than two decades, that they will not give up power. In fact, they repeat this almost daily. Thinking of or proposing new elections borders on outright cooperating with the enemy.

This is written about every day. Nevertheless, those who pretend to be unaware, or those who deliberately don’t want to know the reality ask, “And what do you propose?”

Well, this brief article is to explain what I propose; Not just me, but what hundreds of Venezuelan citizens have been asking for is the need to prioritize TIAR and invoke military cooperation. Please feel free to share this short essay each time someone asks you, “What are you proposing?” simply because you are frustrated to see that Chavismo continues to dominate our lives after 20 years.

Months ago, I wrote that Guaido had nothing to do in Venezuela. He accomplishes nothing in Caracas by stirring up marches and saying that Maduro is defeated and isolated. The simple fact is that this is a false statement and only a populist discourse. For some time, Juan Guaido should have gone into exile, preferably to the United States, to negotiate directly with the allies for the liberation of the country.

Now, it is true; Trump has shown little willingness to intervene in Venezuela in recent months. In large part, this is due to the 30th April fiasco and the mistrust that arises in the current “opposition” coalition that sold the United States the idea that we could defeat Maduro with just pressure. This did not happen and marked one of Trump’s main foreign policy failures. After this, the United States has maintained support for the interim government, and they must do so since Maduro is one of its main enemies. But this does not mean that the support for Juan Guaido is unanimous. The support is for the presidency of the National Assembly, which today falls on Guaido, but tomorrow it could be another leader.

My short-term proposal and that of many Venezuelans is simple: the president of the National Assembly and, therefore, the interim President of Venezuela, must first of all openly declare that Maduro’s dictatorship cannot be broken with elections, and that his stay in power is an enormous security risk for the entire region, as evidenced by recent events in Chile, Ecuador, and Colombia, in addition to Maduro’s well-known alliances with Arab terrorist groups and the financing and support of Colombian paramilitary guerrillas.

It is necessary to show that Maduro’s threat extends beyond Venezuela. The world has to understand that Maduro is a global threat. Venezuelans, in turn, rely on international allies who are willing to destroy what needs to be destroyed to expand their domains. The discourse in that sense has to be sharp, constant, brave, and we have to openly ask for military aid to remove the usurpers from Miraflores.

In the second instance, whoever commands the request for military aid must, in turn, justify the investment, both monetary and military, of the forces that are going to impose order in Venezuela. Donald Trump said during his campaign that the United States would no longer participate in wars that were not beneficial to his country. In that sense, a plan should be prepared that gives allies the incentives to intervene. What do I mean by incentives? The interim government should grant commercial concessions, contracts, and guarantees that the countries that lend their forces to free Venezuela will have preference and certain exclusive rights in the commercial exploitation of Venezuelan oil and other mineral resources, as well as tax privileges for future investments in the country, in different economic fields, including tourism, hydrocarbons, among others.

The third step is to insist on presentations. Present the proposals, discuss them, initiate a global campaign, visit the parliaments of the countries that recognize the interim government, speak in favor of the need to intervene militarily in Venezuela and put an end not only to the tragedy of the Venezuelans, but also to the regional and global threat represented by the tyranny of Maduro.

Fourth phase: finalize the negotiations and announce the military intervention. Two things can happen in that scenario: most likely, the members of the dictatorship will eventually defect in fear, or there will be clashes until Maduro is defeated. Personally, I don’t even think you have to shoot a bullet. I believe that the mere appearance of the players willing to intervene will cause Maduro and his allies to abandon the ship. However, the threat must exist, and more importantly, there must really be the ability and intention to use force if the tyrants decide not to surrender.

Will it be easy? Absolutely not. Will it be easy to convince countries? We don’t know. That is why the actions must start immediately. We need a discourse that calls for a military coalition. Lobbyists and negotiators must begin to offer governments the commercial concessions that will allow them to consider intervention and assume the costs of the war, knowing that after a couple of years, they will have their investment back in full and a safer region.

I don’t care if these actions are carried out by Guaido, any member of the 16-J fraction, Borges, Maria Corina, or the guy around the corner. What interests me is that they are carried out and that we take Chavismo out of our lives forever. And, of course, anyone who avoids or stops the real actions that could allow us to emerge from tyranny, will have my repudiation, whatever it is called. Therefore, if Juan Guaido wants to rethink and do things right, he is welcome. If, on the contrary, he doesn’t intend to do it, the best thing to do is to step aside.

That’s what I propose, or rather, that’s what we propose thousands, millions of Venezuelans!

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